| district | D votes | R votes | Winner (D/R) |
|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | |||
| 2 | |||
| 3 | |||
| 4 | |||
| 5 | |||
| Total | 275 | 225 |
When politicians choose their voters
| district | D votes | R votes | Winner (D/R) |
|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | |||
| 2 | |||
| 3 | |||
| 4 | |||
| 5 | |||
| Total | 275 | 225 |
Consider a state with 5 districts, each of which must have 100 voters and will elect a winner from its own Dem and Rep candidates. The total number of votes in the state who will vote for a Dem is 275 and the total for Rep is 225.
Question: How would you spread the voters out to ensure that Dems win as many districts as possible?
02:30













In CA, district maps are drawn by an independent commission.
Question: Back to our state of 275 D and 225 R voters. Spread the voters out so that Republicans win as many districts as possible.
02:00
Mean-Median Score
The difference between the mean and the median of a party’s vote shares across districts:
\[ M = \textrm{mean}(\mathbf{v}) - \textrm{median}(\mathbf{v}) \]
Here \(\mathbf{v}\) is the vector of Republican vote shares across the \(N\) districts.
# A tibble: 5 × 4
district `D votes` `R votes` Result
<int> <dbl> <dbl> <chr>
1 1 75 25 D wins
2 2 60 40 D wins
3 3 43 57 R wins
4 4 48 52 R wins
5 5 49 51 R wins
# A tibble: 5 × 5
district `D votes` `R votes` Result v
<int> <dbl> <dbl> <chr> <dbl>
1 1 75 25 D wins 0.25
2 2 60 40 D wins 0.4
3 3 43 57 R wins 0.57
4 4 48 52 R wins 0.52
5 5 49 51 R wins 0.51
# A tibble: 1 × 2
`mean(v)` `median(v)`
<dbl> <dbl>
1 0.45 0.51
# A tibble: 1 × 3
mean_v med_v `mean_v - med_v`
<dbl> <dbl> <dbl>
1 0.45 0.51 -0.06
Mean-Median Score
The difference between the mean and the median of a party’s vote shares across districts:
\[ M = \textrm{mean}(\mathbf{v}) - \textrm{median}(\mathbf{v}) \]
Here \(\mathbf{v}\) is the vector of Republican vote shares across the \(N\) districts.
LULAC v. Perry (2006): Supreme Court declined to adopt a partisan-symmetry standard, similar to this one, for judging partisan gerrymanders.
Wasted Vote
A vote that doesn’t contribute to the election of a candidate. Two ways:
Premise: In partisan gerrymandering, the goal is to force the opposing party to waste as many votes as possible.
Efficiency Gap
The efficiency gap (EG) favoring party A over party B, for a given pattern of votes, is the difference in wasted votes divided by the total number of votes:
\[ EG = \frac{W_B - W_A}{T} \]
Where \(W_B\) is the number of wasted votes by Party B, \(W_A\) is the number of wasted votes by Party A, and \(T\) is the total votes cast.
Gill v. Whitford (2018): Supreme Court ruled the plaintiffs lacked standing and sent the case back, without deciding whether the efficiency gap is a valid test.
Task: Using the definition of a wasted vote, count the wasted D and R votes in each district, then compute the efficiency gap.
03:00
\[ EG = \frac{173 - 72}{500} = .202 \]
Efficiency Gap
The efficiency gap (EG) favoring party A over party B, for a given pattern of votes, is the difference in wasted votes divided by the total number of votes:
\[ EG = \frac{W_B - W_A}{T} \]
Where \(W_B\) is the number of wasted votes by Party B, \(W_A\) is the number of wasted votes by Party A, and \(T\) is the total votes cast.
Gill v. Whitford (2018): Supreme Court ruled the plaintiffs lacked standing and sent the case back, without deciding whether the efficiency gap is a valid test.
But federal courts are not equipped to apportion political power as a matter of fairness, nor is there any basis for concluding that they were authorized to do so. … it is not even clear what fairness looks like in this context. … Deciding among just these different visions of fairness (you can imagine many others) poses basic questions that are political, not legal. There are no legal standards discernible in the Constitution for making such judgments… And it is only after determining how to define fairness that you can even begin to answer the determinative question: “How much is too much?”
Partisan gerrymandering is nonjusticiable: “outside the courts’ competence and therefore beyond the courts’ jurisdiction.”
Ensemble
A large collection of random district maps that all meet non-partisan criteria for a fair map. A proposed map whose partisan advantage is extreme compared to the ensemble is an extreme outlier.
Process:
Moon Duchin, from Political Geometry:
Things I Don’t Believe In
Things I Do Believe In
A district map is like a walled city: whoever lays out the walls decides who lives inside them. Ring one party’s neighborhoods with a single wall and they’re packed; run a wall through the middle of a neighborhood and it’s cracked.
Will adoption of a new district map lead to an increase in partisan advantage?
If so, by how much?
Will adoption of a new district map lead to an increase in partisan advantage relative to 2024?
If so, by how much?
